Women and Political Participation in Nigeria
The major thrust of this paper is to look at the level of political participation of Nigerian women in
politics and the form of hindrances, if there is any, that prevent them from actively participating in
politics, using available data as well as primary source of data generation. Comparatively, the rate at
which men participate in politics is incredibly higher than their female counterparts. This is not to say,
however, that there has not been a progressive increase in the trend of women participation in politics
in terms of appointments and elections, but the participation is considered low considering the
international standard of 30% benchmark.
In 1992 for instance, under the Babangida’s administration, out of 300 gubernatorial aspirants,
only 8 were women representing 2.6% and none of these women was elected as governor (Iloh and
Ikenna, 2009:117). Research has shown that exclusion of women in the party executives contributes in
no small measure to the marginalisation of women in politics, especially during party nominations
(Ako-Nai, 2005:491; Muhammed, 2006:51; Okoosi-Simbine, 2006:153; Iloh and Ikenna, 2009:117).
For the past 27 years, election of women into the National Assembly has not gone beyond
8.3%. Table 1 clearly shows that of 56 contestable seats in the Senate, only one woman was elected
and 3 out 442 were women in the House of Representatives. The story was the same in 1992 in the
Senate where only one woman emerged as Senator out of 90 and 14 out of 575 in the House of
Representatives.
It was also revealed, in table 2, that in the year 1999, out of 978 contestable seats in the 36
Houses of Assembly, men occupied 966 leaving 12 seats for women representing 1.2%. There was
upward movement in 2003 where women occupied 39 out of 951 seats representing 4%. In 2007,
women occupied 54 seats out of total of 990 with the percentage of 5.5. In the House of
Representatives, in the year 1999, out of total 360 seats, women occupied 13 representing 3.6%. In
2003, men occupied 318 out 339 leaving 21 seats for women of 3.6%. The number was increased in
2007 with women occupying a total of 25 seats representing 7%.
The story was the same in the Senate, where in 1999; women occupied 3 seats out of a total of
109 representing 2.8%. In 2003, men occupied 105 out of 109 seats leaving 4 for women representing
3.7%. There was an increase in 2007 as women occupied 9 seats out of 109 representing 8.3%
Table 1: Women in the Nigerian National Assembly (1980-1992)
Women Men % of Women % of Men
Senate 1 56 1.8 98.2
House of Reps 3 442 0.7 99.3
1992
Women Men % of Women % of Men
Senate 1 90 1.0 99
House of Reps 14 575 2.4 97.6
Source: The Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report (2008), New York, United Nations Committee on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
Table 2: women in the State Houses of Assembly and National Assembly (1999-2007)
Houses of
Assembly
Total No of
Seats
Men Women Percentage of
Men
Percentage of
Women
1999 978 966 12 98.8% 1.2%
2003 951 912 39 96% 4%
2007 990 936 54 94.5% 5.5%
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585
House of
Representatives
Total No of
Seats Men Women Percentage of
Men
Percentage of
Women
1999 360 347 13 96.4% 3.6%
2003 339 318 21 94% 6%
2007 358 333 25 93% 7%
Senate Total No of Seats Men Women Percentage of
Men
Percentage of
Women
1999 109 106 3 97.2% 2.8%
2003 109 105 4 96.3% 3.7%
2007 109 100 9 91.7% 8.3%
Source: The Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report (2008), New York, United Nations Committee on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
Table 3 indicates that out of the 774 local government chairmen elected in 1999 only 8 are
women representing 1%. There was a progressive increase in the number of appointive positions
occupied by women from 1999 to date and is still likely to increase in future, but the fact remains that
the degree of improvement remains marginal. (Aiyede, 2006:172). Prior to 1999, women
representation in the Federal Executive Council never exceeded 5% (Nda, 2003:334; Iloh and Ikenna,
2009:117). In 1999-2003, the Obasanjo government made a clear departure and appointed 4 women
out of the 29 senior ministers representing 13.7% and 3 out of the 18 junior ministers representing
16.6%. There are 2 women advisors and 2 senior special assistants and 6 special assistants and 1
special assistant to the Vice President. 8 permanent secretaries are women (see Tables 4 and 5) .
Table 3: Statistics of Local Government Chairmen in the Fourth Republic
S/N State Male Female
1. Abia 17 0
2. Adamawa 20 0
3. Akwa-Ibom 31 0
4. Anambra 20 1
5. Bauchi 20 0
6. Bayelsa 8 0
7. Benue 22 1
8. Borno 27 0
9. Cross Rivers 18 0
10. Delta 25 0
11. Ebonyi 13 0
12. Edo 18 0
13. Ekiti 16 0
14. Enugu 17 0
15. FCT 5 1
16. Gombe 11 0
17. Imo 26 1
18. Jigawa 27 0
19. Kaduna 22 1
20. Kano 44 0
21. Katsina 33 1
22. Kebbi 21 0
23. Kogi 21 0
24. Kwara 16 0
25. Lagos 20 0
26. Nasarawa 12 0
27. Niger 25 0
28. Ogun 20 0
29. Ondo 18 0
30. Osun 29 1
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31. Oyo 33 0
32. Plateau 16 1
33. Rivers 23 0
34. Sokoto 33 0
35. Taraba 16 0
36. Yobe 17 0
37. Zamfara 14 0
Total 774 8
Source: Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd
Table 4: Gender Statistics on State Governors and Deputy Governors in the Fourth Republic
S/N Gover Nor Deputy Governor
State Male Female Male Female
1. Abia 1 0 1 0
2. Adamawa 1 0 1 0
3. Akwa-Ibom 1 0 1 0
4. Anambra 1 0 1 0
5. Bauchi 1 0 1 0
6. Bayelsa 1 0 1 0
7. Benue 1 0 1 0
8. Borno 1 0 1 0
9. Cross Rivers 1 0 1 0
10. Delta 1 0 1 0
11. Ebonyi 1 0 1 0
12. Edo 1 0 1 0
13. Ekiti 1 0 1 0
14. Enugu 1 0 1 0
15. FCT 1 0 1 0
16. Gombe 1 0 1 0
17. Imo 1 0 1 0
18. Jigawa 1 0 1 0
19. Kaduna 1 0 1 0
20. Kano 1 0 1 0
21. Katsina 1 0 1 0
22. Kebbi 1 0 1 0
23. Kogi 1 0 1 0
24. Kwara 1 0 1 0
25. Lagos 1 0 0 1
26. Nasarawa 1 0 1 0
27. Niger 1 0 1 0
28. Ogun 1 0 1 0
29. Ondo 1 0 1 0
30. Osun 1 0 1 0
31. Oyo 1 0 1 0
32. Plateau 1 0 1 0
33. Rivers 1 0 1 0
34. Sokoto 1 0 1 0
35. Taraba 1 0 1 0
36. Yobe 1 0 1 0
37. Zamfara 1 0 1 0
Total 36 0 35 1
Source: Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd.
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 14, Number 4 (2010)
587
Table 5: Gender Statistics of Fourth Republic Presidency
S/N Office Male Female
1. President 1 0
2. Vice President 1 0
3. Senior Ministers 25 4
4. Junior Ministers 15 3
5. Head of Service 1 0
6. Secretary to Govt of the Federation 1 0
7. Chief of Staff to the President 1 0
8. Special Advisers 14 2
9. Deputy Chief of Staff 1 0
10. Permanent Secretaries 40 8
11. Directors Generals 3 0
12. Senior Special Assistants 11 2
13. Chief of Protocol 1 0
14. Deputy Chief of Staff to the Vice President 1 0
15. Deputy Chief Press Secretary to the VP 1 0
16. Personal Assistant to the President 1 0
17. Principal Secretary to the President 1 0
18. Special Assistants to the President 20 6
19. Special Assistants to the Vice President 4 1
20. Accountant-General of the Federation 1 0
21. Auditor-General of the Federation 1 0
Total 145 26
Source: Nda (2003) Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Logistics Ltd.
Despite the argument that political participation of women in Nigeria rose in 2003 and 2007, it
is, however, restricted maximally to the appointive positions as none of the women who contested
governorship election got elected. This is clearly indicated in table 6. Also, the few that contested did
so under unpopular parties as major political parties discriminated against the candidacy of women.
For example, the Alliance for Democracy (AD) was active in 1999 and 2003 only in the South-West
and not in Akwa-Ibom and Kogi states (South-South) and North-Central) respectively. The All
Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) was only very active in eastern part of the country and not in Ekiti
state. The United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP), New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) and National
Conscience Party (NCP) did not command any strong followership in any part of the country in 2003
and 2007. However, Ekiti, Ogun, Osun and later Anambra states produced female Deputy-Governors.
As has been earlier indicated, no woman won any governorship seat in the period under review in any
of the 36 states. Table 7 shows the list of female Deputy Governors elected in the 2007 General
Elections
Table 6: List of Female Contestants in the 2003 Governorship Election
S/N State Name Party
1. Akwa-Ibom Maria Nyong Ikpe AD
2. Delta Agbajo, O.T. NNPP
3. Ekiti Remi Okebunmi APGA
4. Enugu Lorreta Aniagolu NCP
5. Kogi Love L. Emma AD
6. Lagos Koforola Bucknor-Akerele UNPP
7. Osun Aluko Folashade NNPP
Source: Adapted from INEC (2003, Vol. 11: 16)
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Table 7: List of Female Deputy Governors Elected in 2007
S/N State Name Party
1. Anambra Mrs. Stella Odife PDP
2. Imo Lady Dr. Ada Okwuonu PPA
3. Lagos Mrs. Sarah Bisi Sosan AC
4. Ogun Alhaja Salmot M. Badru PDP
5. Plateau Mrs. Pauline K. Tallen PDP
6. Osun Erelu Olushola Obada PDP
Source: Adapted from INEC (2007)
Following the Supreme Court judgement on 14th June, 2007 which declared that Peter Obi,
elected on the platform of APGA, has not finished his tenure, Andy Uba, whose Deputy Governor was
Stella Odife, was removed from office as Governor of Anambra State through the court’s verdict. Peter
Obi’s Deputy, Mrs Virgie Etiaba, was also a woman, and retained a female Deputy-Governorship (Iloh
and Ikenna, 2009:117).
By and large, women are gradually being conscientised and mobilised into participating in
politics, the move that has increased their participation in politics. It is still believed that efforts should
still be channelled towards awakening women into productive and active participation in politics in
order to realise the full productive capacity of Nigerian preponderant population. This becomes
imperative as “irresistible role of women is capable of building strong democratic institutions that are
acceptable and durable” (Adedeji, 2009:1).